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Date: April 30, 2024 Tue
Time: 1:54 am
Time: 1:54 am
Results for police violence
7 results foundAuthor: Stinson, Philip M. Title: Violence-related Police Crime Arrests in the United States, 2005-2011 Summary: - Police violence is behavior by any police officer-acting pursuant to their authority and/or power as a sworn law enforcement officer- that includes any use of physical force, whether justified or not (Sherman, 1980). - Situational risk faced by officers influence an officer's decision to use coercive force, non-deadly force, and/or to employ deadly force (e.g., Alpert & Smith, 1999; Fyfe, 1981; Terrill, 2003). - Officer-involved domestic violence (OIDV) remains a problem (Stinson & Liederbach, 2013). Details: Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University, 2015. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Presented at the Annual Conference of Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, Orlando, Florida March 5, 2015 Accessed March 30, 2016 at: http://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=crim_just_pub Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=crim_just_pub Shelf Number: 138502 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolice Violence |
Author: Kreuzer, Peter Title: If they resist, kill them all: Police vigilantism in the Philippines Summary: In May of 2016, Rodrigo Duterte was elected President of the Philippines and inaugurated into office on June 30. During the election campaign he was already focusing on ridding the country of drug-related crime and indicated his willingness to tolerate, if not support, the killing of suspects by the police. After entering office, he officially launched a comprehensive campaign against drug-related crime that has since cost the lives of several thousand suspects. While anonymous vigilantes are responsible for a significant share, if not the majority of these extralegal killings, in four months the police killed more than 1,000 suspects in so-called "legitimate encounters" that were justified as actions carried out in self-defense. This report then looks at a vastly under-researched phenomenon: extrajudicial police vigilantism involving killings by on-duty police officers that are masked as "legitimate encounters" with criminals. It argues that, while the Philippines have a strong tradition of death-squad killings, this has been complemented for a long time by a practice of "social cleansing" that did not make it necessary for agents of the state to deny complicity: official police vigilantism. On the contrary, such vigilante killings could be utilized as evidence of a strong state. However, in the past such police vigilantism was a local phenomenon. This changed under the new president, who nationalized the local practice and thereby changed its dynamics. This report provides an overview of the pattern of killings of suspects by members of the Philippine National Police while on duty currently taking place. The main section of the report analyzes past patterns of “legitimate encounters” in a number of selected regions and provinces of the Philippines. The integration of these two datasets allows for a comparison not only among regions and provinces but also over time. Consideration of this quantitative data is complemented by sketches of the dynamics driving current reactions to the new policy in a number of provinces and cities. Going beyond the Philippines, this study also provides a comparative dataset on similar forms of deadly police violence for a small set of countries, regions and cities that permits a comparison of past and present Philippines practice. The detailed analysis shows that: • in most, but not all of the various case studies, there has been a long tradition of police-vigilantism, • regions, provinces and cities that have exhibited higher levels of police vigilantism in the past tend to react more strongly to the presidential campaign that legitimized extralegal killings under the pretext of a "legitimate encounter," • those cases with the highest levels of police vigilantism both now and in the past tend to be the most "developed" ones, fulfilling a metropolitan function at either a national or regional level, • there is no link between threats to the police and their willingness to kill suspects in "legitimate encounters," • prior to the present wave of extrajudicial killings, the magnitude of violent "legitimate encounters" was moderate, although they were carried out by clearly vigilante police forces targeting suspects, • while the patterns of "legitimate encounters" have not changed in the current campaign, the number of extra-legal killings has risen dramatically since the election of President Duterte, • Philippines police officers did not have to learn a new practice; they did not have to unlearn firmly established convictions about due process. They transformed an established but sparingly used practice into a key instrument for reducing crime and for strengthening institutions, • local leaders' reactions to the presidential campaign depend to a significant extent on the local leaders' past perceptions of utilizing the police as a force for "social cleansing" and the leaders’ current power base in the face of rising pressure to conform to the central leadership’s expectations. Going beyond empirical analysis of the data on past and present police vigilantism in the Philippines, I maintain that the present administration uses police vigilantism on the national level to simulate a strong state and thereby achieve widespread public acclaim and acquiescence. By establishing the Philippine National Police as his power base, the new president has within a few months successfully hollowed out democratic checks and balances and installed himself as the foremost “boss” at the national level. While forceful personalities are a regular feature of Philippines politics, their power is normally limited by other bosses who contend for power and wealth. Like Ferdinand Marcos before him, Rodrigo Duterte is well on his way to neutralizing this division of powers – the only one that works well in the Philippines during "normal" times. Currently, it seems that the Philippines are on a direct path toward a regime that may be likened to an electoral dictatorship, where a president, through the shrewd manipulation of public discourse and the resulting outstanding public support, and with the help of the national police, is succeeding in subjugating the various political families that make up the Philippines political elite. Details: Frankfurt am Main: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2016. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: PRIF Report No. 142 : Accessed February 1, 2017 at: https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif142.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Philippines URL: https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif142.pdf Shelf Number: 145096 Keywords: Deadly ForceDrug OffendersExtrajudicial KillingsPolice BrutalityPolice Use of ForcePolice ViolenceVigilantism |
Author: Eiler, Brian A. Title: The Behavioral Dynamics of Shooter Bias in Virtual Reality: The Role of Race, Armed Status, and Distance on Threat Perception and Shooting Dynamics Summary: There are clear racial disparities in police violence such that being Black puts one at a higher risk of being killed by police (Mapping Police Violence, 2016). One hypothesized mechanism for this disparity is "shooter bias", which refers to the tendency to shoot unarmed Black men more often, and armed Black men more quickly, than Whites in a shoot/no-shoot task (Correll, Hudson, Guillermo, & Ma, 2014). The current project addressed four potential influences on threat perception and shooting decision-making (biological complexity, implicit racial bias, armed status, and distance). A novel, yet simple, bias awareness feedback method as a potential intervention to reduce discriminatory shooting was also tested. Participants viewed a series of Black and White, armed and unarmed avatars at various distance locations in two experiments. In Exp. 1, participants judged each avatar in terms of threat level while in Exp. 2, participants made shooting decisions, both in virtual reality using a hand held controller. Feedback was given on the shoot/no-shoot task between two trial blocks. Heart rate was measured via the Empatica E4 and implicit bias was measured via a mouse-tracking version of the IAT using the MouseTracker Software. Participants demonstrated stronger associations for stereotype congruent pairings of race and armed status and had higher heart rate during incongruent trial blocks of the IAT. In Exp. 1, results revealed main effects of distance, race, and armed status (no interaction effects) such that armed avatars and closer distances produced the highest threat ratings. White avatars were perceived as more threatening than Black avatars. In Exp. 2, results revealed that participants performed more accurately for White targets than Black targets and held the trigger down for longer (and were more variable) when the target was Black. These trigger pull dynamics were also related to dynamic measures of implicit bias. Finally, performance feedback, resulted in improved performance (i.e., correct shoot/no-shoot decisions). Moreover, participant post-feedback trigger pull dynamics were no longer associated with implicit bias. The results of the pre-experimental testing demonstrated that participant heart rate increased (i.e., higher arousal/stress) during stereotype incongruent trials, illustrating the potential link between arousal and implicit bias. Exp. 1 demonstrated that threat perception was related to armed status and distance. However, participants rated Whites avatars as more threatening than Black avatars, indicating that threat perception can be influenced by social desirability concerns (i.e., aversive racism. The results of Exp. 2, however, were largely consistent with the hypothesis that Black avatars would produce biased shooting performance and shooting dynamics compared to White avatars. The results of Exp. 2, also validated the modified VR paradigm for measuring shoot/no-shoot decision making and the more nuanced dynamical measures of shooter bias employed (i.e., trigger dynamics). Furthermore, results implicated trigger pull dynamics as the underlying link between implicit bias and shooting decision making. Importantly, the results of Exp. 2 also demonstrated that racial differences in shooting behavior may be altered by a simple bias awareness feedback intervention that disrupts the association between race and weapons. Details: Cincinnati: University of Cincinnati, 2017. 121p. Source: Internet Resource: May 17, 2018 at: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/pg_10?0::NO:10:P10_ACCESSION_NUM:ucin1511798377909988 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/pg_10?0::NO:10:P10_ACCESSION_NUM:ucin1511798377909988 Shelf Number: 150255 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice Decision-MakingPolice Use of ForcePolice ViolenceRacial Disparities |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Good Cops Are Afraid": The Toll of Unchecked Police Violence in Rio de Janeiro Summary: Since the release of Lethal Force in 2009, Rio de Janeiro has pursued several ambitious and innovative policies aimed at improving the effectiveness and professionalism of its police. These include the UPP program discussed in chapter 4, as well as the System of Goals and Results Tracking (Sistema de Metas e Acompanhamento de Resultados), a program that entails compiling and monitoring crime statistics, setting crime reduction targets for each policing district (Area Integrada de Seguranca Publica, AISP), and providing monetary rewards in the form of bonuses to all police officers in areas that meet those targets. These initiatives may have significantly contributed to the decrease in police killings- along with overall homicides-between 2009 and 2013.247 However, their impact has been severely undercut by the state's failure to address one of the main factors responsible for perpetuating the unlawful use of lethal force by police: impunity. The decrease in police killings came to a halt in 2013, and the numbers have since begun to climb dramatically, increasing by more than 50 percent in the past two years.248 Several state institutions share responsibility for this ongoing impunity, including the military police for failing to ensure that its officers preserve the evidence that investigators need to determine the lawfulness of police killings, and the civil police for failing to conduct proper investigations. Ultimate responsibility for this failure, however, lies squarely with the Attorney General's Office, for failing to exercise its oversight authority of the police with appropriate vigor, failing to conduct its own investigations of police killings, and failing to prosecute cases where evidence was available to do so. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 118p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed October 9, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0716web_1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Brazil URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0716web_1.pdf Shelf Number: 152862 Keywords: Extrajudicial ExecutionsHomicidesLethal ForcePolice Deadly ForcePolice Violence |
Author: Ristroph, Alice Title: The Constitution of Police Violence Summary: Police force is again under scrutiny in the United States. Several recent killings of black men by police officers have prompted an array of reform proposals, most of which seem to assume that these recent killings were not (or should not be) authorized and legal. Our constitutional doctrine suggests otherwise. From the 1960s to the present, federal courts have persistently endorsed a very expansive police authority to make seizures - to stop persons, to arrest them, and to use force if the arrestee resists. This Article reveals the full scope of this seizure authority. Of particular importance are the concepts of resistance and compliance. Demands for compliance with officers, and a condemnation of resistance that authorizes police to meet resistance with violence, run throughout constitutional doctrine. Ostensibly race-neutral, the duty of compliance has in fact been distributed along racial lines, and may be contrasted with a privilege of resistance (also race-specific) elsewhere protected in American law. Tracing resistance and compliance helps reveal the ways in which the law distributes risks of violence, and it may help inspire proposals to reduce and redistribute those risks. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Seton Hall Public Law Research Paper: Accessed January 28, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2847300 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2847300 Shelf Number: 154406 Keywords: Fourth AmendmentPolice Deadly ForcePolice Use of ForcePolice ViolenceRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementRacismStop and SearchTraffic Stops |
Author: Greek Council for Refugees Title: "I Came Here for Peace": The systematic ill-treatment of migrants and refugees by state agents in Patras Summary: As we document in the following report, state officials systematically ill-treat refugees and migrants in Patras. Throughout the past 15 years hundreds of migrants and refugees (undocumented or not) have been living in Patras in improvised shelters seeking to stow away on ferries bound for Italy. This report contains numerous allegations of the ill-treatment of migrants and refugees by police and other officials. Details: Frankfurt, Germany: Pro Asyl, 2012. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2019 at: https://www.proasyl.de/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/PRO_ASYL_Report_I_came_here_for_peace_Patras_June_2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Greece URL: https://www.proasyl.de/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/PRO_ASYL_Report_I_came_here_for_peace_Patras_June_2012.pdf Shelf Number: 155009 Keywords: Hate Crimes Human Rights Abuses Migrants Police ViolenceRefugees |
Author: Dharmapala, Dhammika Title: Collective Bargaining and Police Misconduct Summary: Growing controversy surrounds the impact of labor unions on law enforcement behavior. Critics allege that unions impede organizational reform and insulate officers from discipline for misconduct. Yet collective bargaining tends to increase wages, which could improve police behavior. We provide quasi-experimental empirical evidence on the effects of collective bargaining on violent incidents of misconduct. The incidents are recorded in a Florida state administrative database of "moral character" violations reported by local agencies. Our empirical strategy focuses on the conferral of collective bargaining rights on sheriffs' deputies by a 2003 Florida Supreme Court decision (Williams). These rights produced a substantial increase in unionization of sheriffs' deputies. We first show that the introduction of collective bargaining agreements at sheriffs' offices after Williams was associated with a substantial increase in violent incidents. We then analyze the impact of collective bargaining rights, using police departments, which were unaffected by Williams, as a control group for sheriffs' offices. Our results imply that collective bargaining rights led to about a 45% increase in violent incidents. We also find some evidence suggesting that collective bargaining rights led to decreased racial and ethnic diversity among new officer hires. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3095217 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3095217 Shelf Number: 155887 Keywords: Collective BargainingPolice Hiring PracticesPolice MisconductPolice UnionsPolice ViolenceSheriff Officers |